A Quarterly Journal for Free Historical Inquiry
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Three Aspects of the German Deportation of European Jews into the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1941-1944

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There is no doubt that Strasshof is a special case. What is important to note, however, is the fact that, among the Hungarian Jews in Austria, prisoners who were theoretically unable to work were assigned to labor sites. For example, a letter from the “Technical Emergency Assistance Office Bad-Vöslau” (Technische Nothilfe Dienststelle Bad-Vöslau) addressed to the Vienna II Branch of Eichmann’s Sondereinsatzkommando dated November 7, 1944 contains a list of 42 Hungarian Jews employed “since October 1, 1944 on the construction of a foundation (underground shelter) for the SS hospital.” It is also noted that:

“These Jews are from the Strasshof camp and have been working in Klein-Mariazell and Bernhof after the flooding disaster and on the construction of emergency homes.”[132]

These people were thus actual workers. The list includes 13 Jews over 70 years of age, one 15-year-old, one 13-year-old, one 10-year-old, two 8-year-olds and one 4-year-old. The oldest one, Arnold Singer, was born on 28 March 1868 and was thus 76 years old, while the youngest, Agnes Anisfeld, was born on August 31, 1940 and thus was only 4 years old.

As for the claim that we “totally ignore” the February 14, 1944 letter from Greiser to Pohl: this is simply untrue, as Mattogno quotes and discusses it in his Chełmno study, which originally appeared in Italian in 2009.[133] As shown in Mattogno’s study, the first convoys (consisting of 1,600 Jews) to leave the Łódż ghetto following Greiser’s letter were not sent to be exterminated, but to the arms factories in Skarzysko-Kamienna south-west of Radom.[134] The claim that 7,170 Łódż Jews were deported to Chełmno and gassed there in June/July 1944 lacks any solid foundation,[135] and the Greiser letter does not in any way constitute proof that the “reduction” of the ghetto population meant physical extermination, or that said reduction was carried out by using a supposedly reactivated Camp Chełmno.

Regarding the transport of Łódż Jews to Auschwitz in August 1944, we have some hints regarding the final destination of these deportees.[136] On 7 August 1944 Amtsleiter Hans Biebow addressed the workers in the tailors’ workshops, in which he stated:

 “In this war, in which Germany is fighting for its life, it’s necessary to transfer workers to lands from which, at Himmler’s order, thousands of Germans have been taken and sent to the front; they have to be replaced. I am telling you this for your own best interests and assume that Plants III and IV will report to the railway station in full force. […] Families go as a unit to the various camps, which will be newly constructed – and factories will be built. Baubles like those here, carpet weaving, etc., are finished, for good.

Siemens, A.G. Union, Schuckert, every place where munitions are made, need workers. In Czenstochau [Częstochowa], where workers are employed in munitions plants, they’re very satisfied, and the Gestapo is also very satisfied with their work. […]

We will see to it that the railroad cars are supplied with food. The trip will take about ten to sixteen hours. You will take about 20 kg of baggage with you. […]

In the camps you will be paid in Reichsmarks. The heads of the enterprises are Germans. The foremen and instructors are going with you; they have to report first.”[137]

The Łódż ghetto inmate Jakub Poznanski kept a diary in which he describes these deportations. On August 21, 1944 he noted:

“the electrical workers left today, directly for Berlin, but under better conditions, because they could take a lot of luggage and were to travel in passenger trains. Encouraged by their example, mechanics and other skilled workers joined them.” [138]

In his entry for August 26, 1944 we read:

“They [the Germans] are planning to set up a new paper shop in Szamotuly [about 210 kilometers northwest of Łódż], where there are already about 600 people. They’re collecting raw materials and supplies from different concerns. Apparently, construction workers from the building shop [in the Łódż ghetto] also went to Szamotuly […].”[139]

From the entry dated September 2, 1944:

“There are horrible rumors, namely that all the transports supposedly going to Vienna or to inside the Third Reich are actually going to a horrible camp in Auschwitz.”[140]

From the entry of September 21, 1944:

“Some confidential news was received yesterday that out of the entire transport of workers from Metal I [a plant in Łódż], some 800 people, only 50 arrived in Szamotuly. The rest remained in Auschwitz. Many of the ‘privileged’ went with that transport. Were they also kept in that camp about which such horror stories are told?”[141]

Most likely the Łódż Jews not registered in Auschwitz were sent on to various labor camps and factories such as those in Szamotuly, Czestochowa and Gross-Rosen,[142] to internment camps or to labor sites under the supervision of military authorities. Others may have been sent to clear rubble in bombed cities, or to build the immense underground factories and facilities of which a large number were planned and constructed in the Reich during 1944.[143] The former is supported by what Patrick Montague has to tell about transports from Łódż Ghetto in 1944 that supposedly reached the Chełmno camp (emphasis added):

“It was here, in front of the barracks [in the Chełmno ‘forest camp’], that the transports were given the ‘arrival speech’. Various members of the Sonderkommando, including Piller and Bothmann gave the speeches. First, they were told that they would be going to Germany to work rebuilding bombed cities. Specific cities were mentioned. Everything had been coordinated with Biebow’s ghetto administration so that the name of the city mentioned in the ghetto, upon departure, was also mentioned in front of the barracks in the forest. The city name was included with the name list of passengers that accompanied the transports. Transport VII, which brought Mordechai Żurawski to Chełmno, was told that it would be going to Leipzig. Other cities mentioned were Munich, Hannover and Cologne.”[144]

A group of Jews from Łódż is also claimed to have reached Latvia in 1944.[145] It appears logical that the German authorities during the desperate final year of the war would have used the Jewish population under their control for labor in support of the war effort, such as the construction of fortifications. On May 19, 1944, the German-Jewish New York weekly Aufbau reported:

“An eyewitness, who arrived in Switzerland, described there how thousands of Polish and other Jews were sent to the Konskie swamp in Poland in order to drain the marshland. Hundreds of these Jews die daily from malaria and malnourishment, but their thinned-out columns are replenished by a steady influx of new arrivals from France. The German military authorities use the drained marshland for the construction of fortifications in different parts of occupied Poland.”[146]

The county of Końskie is located north of Kielce, in what is today’s southern-central Poland. According to the statistics presented by Serge Klarsfeld, a total of 9,902 Jews deported from France were sent to Auschwitz and “gassed upon arrival” in 1944, 7,038 of them between late January and early May 1944.[147] To this should be added 1,152 Jews deported from Belgium in 1944 (between January 15 and July 31) and also claimed to have been “gassed upon arrival” in Auschwitz,[148] as well as some thousands of Jews deported from the Netherlands.[149] On May 2, 1944 the Jewish Telegraphic Agency reported that

“Many French Jews who were originally confined in the Drancy camp, near Paris, are now in the Poiniki camp in Poland […]. About 4,000 persons are confined in Poiniki in 20 unheated, wooden barracks which lack sanitary facilities. The camp has one doctor, who has no medicines or instruments. The beds are used in three shifts. As a result of the inadequate food and health facilities and the excessive working hours, many of the deportees die daily.”[150]

Kędzierzyn-Koźle, a location approximately 40 km west of Gliwice, was the site of the “Juden-Zwangsarbeitslager Blechhammer” (“Jewish Forced Labor Camp Blechhammer”) which existed until May 1944. According to information provided by the Main Commission for the Investigation of Hitlerite Crimes in Poland, some 29,000 “Jews from Poland, Czechoslovakia, France and Holland, among them women and children” passed through this camp.[151]

On May 15, 1944, Convoy 73 departed from Drancy near Paris, carrying 878 male Jews, 38 of them youths between 11 and 18 years of age. The transport arrived in Kaunas on May 21, 1944. Here most of the deportees disembarked, while some 300 continued on to the Estonian capital Reval (Tallinn), which they reportedly reached on May 24. At least 14 deportees are reported to have died en route from thirst and heat. According to Estonian Holocaust historian Meelis Maripuu, of the some 578 Jews who remained behind in Kaunas, “[a]lmost all […] were executed in Kaunas at Fort 9 and [the labor camp] Pravieniškės, only two men escaped.”[152]

Dieckmann writes that 250 of the Jews who remained in Kaunas were transferred to the Pravieniškės camp; these Jews (with the exception of the abovementioned 2 escapees) were then supposedly shot on July 10, 1944 in connection with an evacuation to Tilsit; as evidence for this only eyewitness statements are provided, however.[153]

As for the deportees to Tallinn, Maripuu informs us that they were interned in the Tallinn Central Prison, which at this time functioned as a “labor education camp” (Arbeitserziehungslager), and that 60 of the weakest ones “were sent to work” – allegedly a euphemism for murder – on the day after their arrival. On July 14 another 60 men, and on August 14 another 100 sick prisoners were taken away, “and there are no data concerning their ultimate fate,” as Maripuu puts it. In addition to this, three men who were suspected of an escape attempt were executed. Some of the Jews were assigned to the Lasnamäe labor camp on the outskirts of Tallinn.[154]

At the end of August 1944 only 40 of the French Jews were still alive according to Maripuu. These were then evacuated to the Reich at the end of the month. A preserved list of arrivals shows that 34 of them were registered in the Stutthof camp on September 1, 1944.[155] Even assuming the version of events summarized above to be correct, it is clear that the purpose of Convoy 73 could not have been extermination, for in that case all of the Jews would have been executed more or less immediately after arrival, and no French Jews would have reached Stutthof in September 1944. Of course, from an exterminationist viewpoint it would make even less sense to exterminate these Jews in Estonia and Lithuania, as they could have easily been gassed at Auschwitz, thus saving the Germans the bother to transport them all the way to the Baltic countries. Based on the composition of the convoy and the deployment of the deportees in local labor camps, the inevitable conclusion is that the Jews of Convoy 73 were sent east for the purpose of labor.

Could there have been additional transports of Western Jews to the Baltic countries in 1944, passing through Auschwitz on their way there? It is worth noting in this context that, according to a report left by refugees from Lithuania in early August 1944, an unspecified number of Jews from Belgium and the Netherlands had been brought to Lithuania in June 1944, and as of July 22, 1944 were kept in the coastal town of Kretinga (Krottingen).[156]

According to yet another news item from the Jewish Telegraphic Agency, messages reached Budapest in July 1944 stating that Hungarian Jews had been brought to Lublin and other Polish cities.[157]

Of the some 400,000 Hungarian, Polish, Slovakian, French and other Jews transited via Auschwitz in 1944, a considerable portion must have inevitably perished during the catastrophic conditions prevailing during 1944/45, due to disease, malnutrition, overwork, general privations, Allied air raids and bombardment, transports and evacuations under inhumane conditions (including long marches due to the collapse of infrastructure and shortage of fuel), etc. Of those who survived these as well as the hardships immediately following the end of the war, many likely found themselves prisoners behind the Iron Curtain.

While the question of the fate of the transshipped deportees is shrouded in obscurity – and will likely remain so until large-scale critical research is permitted and conducted – it hardly constitutes the “end game” of revisionism our opponents portray it as. On the other hand, the argument that the revisionists’ present inability to thoroughly account for the fate of this group of deportees somehow invalidates the revisionist conclusion regarding the mass gassing allegations is a gross fallacy of logic based on a reversal of the hierarchy of evidence. The fate of the 1944 deportees remains to be determined. What can safely be excluded, however, based on the technical and documentary evidence, is the official version according to which these Jews were murdered in homicidal gas chambers.


[1]This term (in German die besetzten Ostgebiete) refers to the German-occupied Soviet territories, excluding the Białystok district, Eastern Galicia and Memel, which were annexed to the German Reich or made part of the General Government. The formerly Soviet-annexed Baltic countries together with the western and central parts of Belarus were together put under German “civilian administration” as “Reich Commissariate Ostland”, whereas western and central Ukraine (as well as parts of southern Belarus) formed the “Reich Commissariate Ukraine”. All German-occupied parts of Russia, including the Crimean peninsula and parts of northern Caucasus, was placed under military governance together with eastern Belarus and eastern Ukraine. A part of western Ukraine was occupied by the German-allied Romanians under the name of Transnistria. The formerly Soviet-annexed Bessarabia (roughly corresponding to today’s Republic of Moldova) and Bukovina was also occupied by the Romanians.
[2]Herman Kruk, The Last Days of the Jerusalem of Lithuania. Chronicles from the Vilna Ghetto and the Camps 1939-1944 (New Haven/London: Yale University Press, 2002), p. 187.
[3]Bella Gutermann, “Jews in the Service of Organisation Todt in the Occupied Soviet Territories, October 1941–March 1942,” p. 20f. Online:
[4]The convoy is claimed to have taken 2 weeks to reach its destination. Accordingly it must have reached the Leningrad front area at least a month before the observation in Vilnius.
[5]Ibid., p. 23.
[6]Ibid., p. 33.
[8]Ibid., p. 13.
[9]Ber Mark, The Scrolls of Auschwitz (Tel Aviv: Am Oved Publishers, 1985), p. 4.
[10]Cf. Christopher Browning, The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish Policy, September 1939-March 1942 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 2004), p. 421.
[11]Public Records Office (PRO) file HW 16/6, part 1, p. 11 of the summary covering the period of 16 December 1941 to 15 January 1942. The PRO file containing the German original of this intercept (HW 16/33) has been lost, cf. David Irving, The Himmler Decodes. A selection of messages passed from 1941 to 1945 between Himmler, his headquarters, and local police and SS commanders; in German; as decoded by British Intelligence, (online:, p. 4, also
[12]Charles W. Sydnor, Soldiers of Destruction: The SS Death's Head Division, 1933-1945 (Princeton University Press, 1990), pp. 330-331.
[13]Or as David Irving, apparently the first to take note of this intercept, put it in a brief comment: “Hitler really did intend the Jews to build roads in The East,”
[14]B. Gutermann, “Jews in the Service…,” op. cit., p. 10.
[15] Christoph Dieckmann, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Litauen 1941-1944 (Göttingen: Wallstein Verlag, 2011), vol. 2, note 162 on p. 962. Dieckmann gives as source “RMO and RKO, 4.12.1941, YIVO, Occ E 3-35 unpag.”
[16]Ibid., p. 1093. According to Avraham Tory the more exact destination of these Jews was reported to be the town of Dno, which is located some 113 km east of Pskov, not far from the front lines; Avraham Tory, Surviving the Holocaust. The Kovno Ghetto Diary (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1990), p. 373. The town was established as and remains a railway center, cf.
[17]The Salaspils (Kurtenhof) camp bore the same designation.
[18]Wolfgang Benz, Barbara Distel (eds.), Der Ort des Terrors (Munich: C.H. Beck, 2009), vol. 9, p. 92.
[19]Mark Spoerer, “Der Faktor Arbeit in den besetzten Ostgebieten im Widerstreit ökonomischer und ideologischer Interessen,” in Mitteilungen der Gemeinsamen Kommission für die Erforschung der jüngeren Geschichte der deutsch-russischen Beziehungen, vol. 2, ed. Horst Möller (Munich: Oldenbourg, 2005), p. 82.
[20]Andrej Angrick and Peter Klein, The ‘Final Solution’ in Riga. Exploitation and Annihilation 1941–1944 (Oxford/New York: Berghahn Books, 2009), p. 190.
[21]One reason for why northern Russia was considered for resettlement of Jews by Heydrich was no doubt the presence there of a large number of Soviet slave-labor camps set up in connection with the White Sea–Baltic Canal project (cf. which, once the former prisoners had been released, could be used to detain the deported Jews. As the Germans viewed the Jews as responsible for the GULag and the Soviet slave-labor system, such a deportation would no doubt be viewed by the National Socialist leaders as a form of “poetic justice.”
[22]Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde. Die deutsche Wirtschafts-und Vernichtungspolitik in Weißrußland 1941 bis 1944 (Hamburg: Hamburger Edition, 1999), p. 762.
[23]Miriam Novitch, Sobibor. Martyrdom and Revolt. Documents and Testimonies (New York: Holocaust Library, 1980), p. 111.
[24]Christian Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, op. cit., p. 763.
[25]Krystyna Marczewska, Władysław Wazniewski, “Treblinka w świetle akt Delegatury Rządu RP na Kraji”, Biuletyn Głównej Komisji Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce, vol. XIX, 1968, p. 137.
[26]“1,850 Jews from Poland and Western Europe executed by Nazis in Smolensk area,” JTA Daily News Bulletin, October 22, 1942, p. 2.
[27]“Czech Jews sent to Russia,” The Jewish Chronicle, January 1, 1943, p. 9.
[28]”Liste aller Transporte aus Theresienstadt“,
[29]Contemporary Jewish Record, vol. 5, no. 3 (June 1942), p. 310.
[30]Jean Ancel, “The German-Romanian Relationship and the Final Solution,” Holocaust and Genocide Studies, vol. 19, no. 2, 2005, p. 259. Quote from a protocol of a Romanian Cabinet meeting held on 16 December 1941 (Source given by Ancel: Transcript of the Cabinet meeting of December 16, 1941, Interior Ministry Archives, file 40010, vol. 24, p. 17b; USHMM Archives, RG-25004M, reel 33).
[31]Quoted in ibid., p. 269.
[32]Cf. Thomas Kues, “Evidence for the Presence of 'Gassed' Jews in the Occupied Eastern Territories, Part 3”, section 4.3, Inconvenient History, vol. 3, no. 4, online:
[33]Yitzhak Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union (Lincoln, Neb.: University of Nebraska Press, 2009), p. 293.
[34]T/37(299), p. 2.
[35]Walter Laqueur, The Terrible Secret (New York: Penguin Books, 1982), p. 94.
[36]Jonathan Harrison, Roberto Muehlenkamp, Jason Myers, Sergey Romanov and Nicholas Terry, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard. A Critique of the Falsehoods of Mattogno, Graf and Kues (Holocaust Controversies, 2011), pp. 248f, online at several locations, including:
[37]Ibid., p. 249, note 74.
[38]Mordechai Altshuler, Soviet Jewry on the Eve of the Holocaust. A Social and Demographic Profile (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1998), p. 329.
[39]Sara Bender, The Jews of Bialystok during World War II and the Holocaust (Lebanon, N.H.: Brandeis University Press, 2008), p. 99.
[40]Yitzhak Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka (Bloomington/Indianapolis, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 1987), p. 131.
[41]One must consider here that, even if a number of Jews fled to the district at the time of the outbreak of the war in 1939, another number of Jews fled east at the time of the German invasion of the Soviet Union in summer 1941 (including, among others, the future partisan leader Hersh Smolar).
[42]Jürgen Graf, Thomas Kues and Carlo Mattogno, Sobibór. Holocaust Propaganda and Reality (Washington, D.C.: The Barnes Review, 2010), p. 316f.
[43]Franciszek Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz (Oświęcim: Verlag Staatliches Museum in Oświęcim, 1993), p. 183.
[44]S. Bender, The Jews of Bialystok during World War II and the Holocaust, op. cit., p. 117.
[45]Natsionalni Archiv Respubliki Belarus (NARB) 378-1-784, pp. 10-12.
[47]Serge Klarsfeld (ed.), Documents Concerning the Destruction of the Jews of Grodno, 1941-1944. Vol. 2, “Accounts by German witnesses or perpetrators of the final solution,” Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, New York 1985, p. 13.
[48]Ibid., p. 32.
[49]Ibid., p. 100.
[50]It may be significant that, while Korherr here speaks merely of “the East,” the Jews processed through the “camps in the General Government and Warthegau” are specified in the same table as having been sent “to the Russian East” [nach dem russischen Osten] (emphasis added), a region most likely identical with the Occupied Eastern Territories (besetzte Ostgebiete).
[51]C. Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, op. cit., p. 723.
[52]S. Klarsfeld (ed.), Documents Concerning the Destruction of the Jews of Grodno, 1941-1944. vol. 2, op. cit., pp. 214-215.
[53]Cf. Francis Joseph Reynolds et al. (eds.), The Story of the Great War (London: P. F. Collier & sons, 1916), vol. 7, p. 2089.
[54]Such as the unpaginated foldout map in Andreas Knipping and Reinhard Schulz, Reichsbahn hinter der Ostfront 1941-1944 (Stuttgart: Transpress Verlag, 1999).
[55]J. Graf, T.,Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór, op. cit., p. 100f, 331f.
[56]Radu Ioanid, “The deportation of the Jews to Transnistria,” in Rumänien und der Holocaust. Zu den Massenverbrechen in Transnistrien 1941-1944, eds. Mariana Hausleitner, Brigitte Mihok, Juliane Wetzel (Berlin: Metropol Verlag, 2001), p. 97.
[57] Cf. C. Mattogno, Bełżec, op. cit., p. 44.
[58]J. Schelvis, Sobibor. A History of a Nazi Death Camp (Oxford/New York: Berg, 2007), p. 27.
[59]J. Graf, T.,Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór, op. cit., p. 236.
[60]Ibid., p. 203.
[61]Ibid., p. 238.
[62]Ibid., p. 201.
[63]J. Schelvis, Sobibór. A History of a Nazi Death Camp, op. cit., p. 119.
[64]Carlo Mattogno and Jürgen Graf, Treblinka. Transit Camp or Extermination Camp? (Chicago: Theses & Dissertations Press, 2004), pp. 286-288.
[65]Carlo Mattogno, Bełżec in Propaganda, Testimonies, Archeological Research, and History (Chicago: Theses & Dissertations Press, 2004), p. 107.
[66]Detail of map from Maximilian du Prel, Das Generalgouvernement. Mit 18 Karten und 81 Abbildungen (Würzburg: Triltsch, 1942: 2nd rev. ed. of Das deutsche Generalgouvernement Polen, 1940). Online:
[67]Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, op. cit., p. 372.
[68]That is, the capital of Minsk, as distinguished from Minsk Mazowiecki (Masovian Minsk) in Poland.
[69]Franciszek Zabecki, “Revolt in Treblinka and the Liquidation of the Camp,” online: This is stated to be a translated extract from Franciszek Zabecki: Wspomnienia stare i nowe (Warsaw 1977), pp. 94-99.
[70]Gerald Reitlinger, The Final Solution. Hitler’s Attempt to Exterminate the Jews of Europe 1939-1945 (Northvale, N.J.: J. Aronson, 1987), p. 306.
[71]Cf. C. Mattogno, J. Graf, Treblinka, op. cit., p. 289.
[72]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 274.
[73]018-L, IMT vol. XXXVII, p. 391f.
[74]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 284.
[75]Detail of map from Maximilian du Prel, Das Generalgouvernement., op. cit.
[77]It must be recognized that the list mentions a convoy originating from Olesko and Sasow in Zloczow county, for which there is no estimate of the number of deportees. Accordingly the percentage for the eastern half may have been slighhtly higher. It must be stressed that since most of the figures are estimates, the above survey only roughly indicates the percentage of the total number of transports for the respective halves of the district.
[78]Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, op. cit., p. 129.
[79]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 334.
[80]Cf. J. Graf, T. Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór, op. cit., p. 39.
[81]Such as the remarkable statement of Hella Felenbaum-Weiss about a transport “thought to come from Lvov” which had been “gassed on the way with chlorine”; ibid., p. 32.
[82]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., pp. 334-340.
[83]Eliyahu Yones, Smoke in the Sand. The Jews of Lvov in the War Years 1939-1944 (Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing, 2004).
[84]Alexander Kruglov, “Jewish Losses in Ukraine, 1941–1944,” in The Shoah in Ukraine. History, Testimony, Memorialization, eds. Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2008), p. 283.
[85]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 337; R. Brandon, W. Lower (eds.), The Shoah in Ukraine, op. cit., p. 283.
[86]F. Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, op. cit., p. 186.
[87]J. Schelvis, Sobibór. A History of a Nazi Death Camp, op. cit., p. 198f.
[88]J. Graf, T. Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór, op. cit., pp. 310-311.
[89]Cf. Dov Freiberg, To Survive Sobibor (Jerusalem: Gefen Publishing House, 2007), p. 283; J. Schelvis, Sobibór. A History of a Nazi Death Camp, op. cit., p. 238, 241.
[90]Gertrude Schneider, Exile and Destruction. The Fate of Austrian Jews, 1938-1945 (Westport Conn.: Praeger, 1995), p. 101.
[91]Heinz Rosenberg, Jahre des Schreckens… und ich blieb übrig, daß ich Dir’s ansage (Göttingen: Steidl Verlag, 1985), pp. 72-73, 77-78.
[92]Steven B. Bowman, The Agony of Greek Jews, 1940-1945 (Stanford, Cal.: Stanford University Press, 2009), pp.80-81, 83.
[93]Dennis Deletant, “Transnistria and the Romanian Solution to the ‘Jewish Problem,’” in The Shoah in Ukraine, eds. Ray Brandon and Wendy Lower, op. cit., p. 172f.
[94]Transport by ship via the Aegean and the Black Sea to the Ukraine would have been impossible, as neutral Turkey had closed the Dardanelles and the Bosphorus to the belligerent nations.
[96]Geoffrey P. Megargee and Martin Dean (eds.), The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933-1945 (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2012), vol. 2, part B, p. 4f.
[97]Cf. Yisrael Gutman and Michael Berenbaum (eds.), Anatomy of the Auschwitz Death Camp (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), p. 7.
[98]Carlo Mattogno, Auschwitz: The Case For Sanity, A Historical and Technical Study of Jean-Claude Pressac’s “Criminal Traces” and Robert Jan van Pelt’s “Convergence of Evidence,” (Washington, D.C.: The Barnes Review, 2010), p. 729, 732.
[99]Geoffrey P. Megargee and Martin Dean (eds.), The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933-1945 (Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press, 2012), vol. 2, part A, p. 476.
[100]Ibid., p. 477.
[101]Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, op. cit., p. 126.
[102]G. P. Megargee and M. Dean (eds.), The United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Encyclopedia of Camps and Ghettos, 1933-1945, vol. 2, part A, op. cit., p. 478.
[103]Mario Wenzel, “Zwangsarbeitslager für Juden,” in Der ort des Terrors. Geschichte der nationalsozialistischen Konzentrationslager, eds. Wolfgang Benz and Barbara Distel (Munich, C.H. Beck, 2009), vol. 9, p. 131.
[104]F. Piper, Die Zahl der Opfer von Auschwitz, op. cit., pp. 183-186.
[105]Danuta Czech, Kalendarium der Ereignisse im Konzentrationslager Auschwitz-Birkenau 1939-1945 (Reinbek bei Hamburg: Rowohlt Verlag, 1989), p. 440.
[106]NI-14512 (NMT vol. VIII, p. 439).
[107]One may object here that Sobibór was temporarily out of operation starting late July 1942 due to construction work going on in the railway stretch between Lublin and Chelm, but this situation lasted only until the end of September 1942, while the alleged wave of massacres in Volhynia continued until October 1942. Following this lull in activity, Sobibór opened again, allegedly equipped with a new gas-chamber building with the capacity to kill as many as 1,300 people simultaneously. Despite this alleged killing capacity, only some 21,370 Jews were processed through the camp during the three months of October to December of that year. J. Graf, T. Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór…, pp. 116-117, 149-150.
[108]Shmuel Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1941-1944 (Jerusalem: Yad Vashem, 1990), p. 173f.
[109]Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 267.
[110]Cf. R. Brandon and W. Lower (eds.), The Shoah in Ukraine, op. cit., p. 130f; Y. Arad, The Holocaust in the Soviet Union, op. cit., p. 226
[111]Cf. S. Spector, The Holocaust of Volhynian Jews, 1941-1944, op. cit., p. 179; C. Gerlach, Kalkulierte Morde, op.cit, pp. 717-718.
[112]J. Harrison, R. Muehlenkamp, J. Myers, S. Romanov and N. Terry, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard, op.cit., p. 249.
[113]A. C. Mierzejewski, The Most Valuable Asset of the Reich. A History of the German National Railway (Chapel Hill/London: The University of North Carolina Press, 2000), vol. 2, p. 123.
[114]Y. Arad, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka, op. cit., p. 133.
[115]A. Rückerl, NS-Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse (Munich: Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, 1977), p. 116, footnote 135.
[116] Arad and Rückerl dates this letter to the 23rd, while Mierzejewski gives the source as “Himmler to Ganzenmüller, I 195/43 A (g), 20 January 1943, BA NS19/2774, also in StA Dü, 8 Ks 1/71, vol. XIV, ff. 55–56.”
[117]A. Rückerl, NS-Vernichtungslager im Spiegel deutscher Strafprozesse, op. cit., p. 116.
[118]A.C. Mierzejewski, The Most Valuable Asset of the Reich, op. cit., p. 123. In the already mentioned telegram from Müller to Himmler on December 16, 1942 (1472-PS) it is mentioned that the moratorium was expected to be lifted already on January 10, 1942.
[119] Janusz Piekałkiewicz, Die Deutsche Reichsbahn im Zweiten Weltkrieg (Stuttgart: Motorbuch-Verlag, 1979), p. 47.
[120]A.C. Mierzejewski, The Most Valuable Asset of the Reich, op. cit., p. 134.
[121]Cf. J. Schelvis, Sobibor. A History of a Nazi Death Camp, op. cit., p. 204; S. Bowman, The Agony of Greek Jews, 1940-1945, op. cit., pp. 80-93.
[122]J. Harrison, R. Muehlenkamp, J. Myers, S. Romanov and N. Terry, Belzec, Sobibor, Treblinka. Holocaust Denial and Operation Reinhard, op.cit., pp. 249-250.
[123]J. Graf, T. Kues and C. Mattogno, Sobibór, op. cit., pp. 352-353.
[124]Unpublished statistical survey of the Stutthof Einlieferungsbuch by Carlo Mattogno. Cf. also J. Graf and C. Mattogno, Concentration Camp Stutthof and Its Function in National Socialist Jewish Policy (Chicago: Theses & Dissertations Press, 2003), p. 24.
[125]Gertrude Schneider (ed.), The Unfinished Road: Jewish Survivors of Latvia Look Back (New York: Praeger, 1991), p. 151.
[126]Ibid., p. 159.
[127]A. Angrick and P. Klein, The ‘Final Solution’ in Riga, op. cit., p. 409.
[128]Letter from the Hauptgefolgschaftsabteilung of the Baltische Öl Gesellschaft m.b.H. to Arbeitseinsatzstelle Baltöl, Kiviõli, June 2, 1944, carrying the heading “Einsatz ungarischer Juden” (“Deployment of Hungarian Jews”), Eesti Riigiarhiiv (ERA) R-187.1.33, p. 58.
[130]Szita Szabolcs, Utak a pokolból. Magyar deportáltak az annektált Ausztriában 1944-1945 (The Road to Hell. Hungarian Deportees to Austria during the Years 1944-1945) (Kecskemét: Metalon Manager Iroda Kft., 1991), p. 279.
[131]Ibid., p. 97.
[132]Ibid., p. 93.
[133]Carlo Mattogno, Chelmno. A German Camp in History & Propaganda (Washington, D.C.: The Barnes Review, 2011), p. 124. C. Mattogno, Il campo di Chełmno tra storia e propaganda (Genoa: Effepi, 2009), p. 155.
[134]C. Mattogno, Chełmno: A German Camp in History and Propaganda, op. cit., p. 123.
[135]Ibid., p. 124f.
[136]At most 65,000 Jews were deported from Łódż in August 1944. No more than 22,500 were sent to Auschwitz, of these 11,464 were subsequently transferred from Auschwitz to Stutthof; cf. J. Graf and C. Mattogno, Concentration Camp Stutthof, op. cit., p. 25.
[137]Alan Adelson and Robert Lapides (eds.), Lodz Ghetto. Inside a Community under Siege (New York: Viking, 1989), p. 441f.
[138]Ibid., p. 452.
[139]Ibid., p. 456.
[140]Ibid., pp. 464-465.
[141]Ibid., p. 471
[142]Cf. Jürgen Graf, “What Happened to the Jews Who Were Deported to Auschwitz But Were Not Registered There?,” online:
[143]Cf. Jane Caplan and Nikolaus Wachsmann (eds.), Concentration Camps in Nazi Germany: The New Histories (New York: Routledge, 2010), p. 137f.
[144]Patrick Montague, Chełmno and the Holocaust. The History of Hitler’s First Death Camp (London/New York: I.B. Tauris, 2012), p. 159.
[145]Rose Cohen and Saul Issroff, The Holocaust in Lithuania 1941-1945: A Book of Remembrance (Jerusalem: Gefen, 2002), p. 33.
[146]Aufbau, May 19, 1944, p. 3.
[147]Serge Klarsfeld, Memorial to the Jews Deported from France 1942-1944 (New York: Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, 1987), p. xxv.
[148]Serge Klarsfeld and Maxime Steinberg, Le Mémorial de la Déportation des Juifs de Belgique (Brussels/New York: Union des Déportés juifs de Belgique et Filles et Fils de la Déportation/The Beate Klarsfeld Foundation, 1982), unnumbered page.
[149]Jacob Presser, Ashes in the Wind: The Destruction of Dutch Jewry (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1968), p. 483
[150]“Reported French Jews Form Guerrilla Bands in Poland; Supplied by Russian Parachutists,” JTA Daily News Bulletin, May 2, 1944, p. 2.
[151]Główna Komisja Badania Zbrodni Hitlerowskich w Polsce Rada Ochrony Pomników Walki i Męczeństwa, Obozy hitlerowskie na ziemach polskich 1939-1945 (Warsaw: Państwowe Wydawnictwo Naukowe, 1979), p. 225.
[152]Toomas Hiio et al. (eds.), Estonia 1940-1945: Reports of the Estonian International Commission for the Investigation of Crimes against Humanity (Tallinn: Estonian Foundation for the Investigation of Crimes against Humanity, 2006), p. 717.
[153]C. Dieckmann, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Litauen 1941-1944, op. cit., p. 1501.
[154]T. Hiio et al. (eds.), Estonia 1940-1945, op. cit., p. 717.
[155]Ibid., p. 718.
[156]C. Dieckmann, Deutsche Besatzungspolitik in Litauen 1941-1944, op. cit., p. 1501, footnote 27, citing an English-language report entitled “The Situation in Lithuania in July 1944,” August 7, 1944, National Archives and Records Administration (NARA), RG 226, M 1499 (OSS 102892). Dieckmann, needless to say, states that this was “probably a rumor.”
[157]“Eye-witness Account of Deportation of Hungarian Jews Given by Arrival from Budapest,” JTA Daily News Bulletin, July 28, 1944, p. 1
Author(s): Thomas Kues
Title: Three Aspects of the German Deportation of European Jews into the Occupied Eastern Territories, 1941-1944
Sources: Inconvenient History, 5(2) (2013),
Dates: published: 2013-07-01, first posted: 2014-02-20 00:00:00


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